The Fearful Master - Chapter 8


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Let none but Americans stand guard tonight!

George Washington


It is a sad commentary on contemporary America that when anyone tries to call attention to the fact that known Communists have succeeded in penetrating into key positions within our government, he is usually met with a barrage of wild accusations and condemnations from the anti-anti-Communists who now seem to dominate our opinion-molding channels of mass communications. Anyone who tries to arouse his fellow citizens to the terrible danger of allowing Communists and fellow travelers in high places runs the risk of becoming the object of public scorn. He will be labeled "extremist," "radical right," "crackpot." He will be contemptuously dismissed with the observation, "Oh, he sees a Communist under every bed." This phrase has almost become the national slogan of that great army of Americans who, being afraid to examine the evidence closely lest they discover a truth too unpleasant to bear, loudly repeat over and over again, as though saying it made it so, "It can't happen here; it can't happen here."

As a former head of the U.S. Communist party, William Z. Foster, put it:

American imperialism is now strong. Its champions ridicule the idea of a revolution . . . they console themselves with the thought that "it could never happen in this country," and they scorn the at-present weak Communist party. But they overlook the detail that the same attitude was taken toward the pre-revolution Bolsheviki.1

There is, of course, no law that offers us eternal immunity from a Communist take-over. It can and will happen here unless enough of us do something to prevent it. To act intelligently, however, we must first know how the enemy is operating and then appraise his progress and the strength of his present position. We have already studied his master strategy. Let us now examine the extent to which he has succeeded in carrying it out.

Since a major Communist objective is to consolidate total working control of the United Nations, and since all else depends on that single accomplishment, we shall begin with that part of the record.

The casual observer might conclude that the degree of Communist control over the United Nations can be measured by the number of votes they have from satellite countries. On this basis the Communists could only come up with about 12 out of the total of 113. The record shows, however, that a substantial number of countries classified as neutral consistently vote with the Communist bloc. The Afro-Asian bloc, for instance (which now has over half the total number of votes in the entire organization), and much of the Latin American bloc almost never vote on the same side as the United States unless the United States happens to be voting on the same side as the Soviets-as is often the case. Not all of these countries, of course, are under the full control of Moscow; but they are, without exception, fiercely socialist and anti-U.S. in their orientation. Many of them consist of little more than primitive areas of the world ruled by tribal chiefs and petty despots. Kenya, for instance, is now run by Jomo ("Burning Spear") Kenyatta, former leader of the terrorist Mau Mau uprisings of the 1950's.

Many nations in the United Nations are dictatorships with hardly a pretense at representative Government. Few of them share values and traditions similar to ours. There is widespread contempt for the rich Yankee who thinks that his money can buy friendship. And we should not deceive ourselves. Most of what apparent support we do get in the UN is the result of financial bribery, nothing more. Conor O'Brien inadvertently confirmed this when he wrote:

Delegations from countries receiving aid from the United States would be warned in a friendly way that "Congress might find it hard to understand" a given vote. Such countries rarely allowed to their delegates the luxury of an incomprehensible, and therefore potentially expensive voting position.2

Shocking as this situation is, it should not be surprising. After all, how does one go about enlisting the support of feudal princes, tribal chieftains, despots and cannibals? With moral suasion? The Soviets are perfectly content to let us spend ourselves silly buying the illusion of temporary leadership while they work behind the scenes consolidating their control of the UN. It is frightening to ponder what will happen when Uncle Sam's money runs out.

The voting delegates, however, are not nearly as important in the ultimate control of the United Nations as are the permanent staff members of the Secretariat. The resolutions and edicts that are ground out by the General Assembly and the Security Council are, as we have seen, purposely vague to leave "wide margins of latitude" for implementation by the Secretary-General and members of the Secretariat. It is in the Secretariat that the United Nations becomes the reality of world government. It is here among the faceless thousands of international bureaucrats that ultimate control resides. These men and women can effectively neutralize any resolution and prevent it from being realistically carried out; or they can put teeth into those that were never intended to bite.

When Conor O'Brien was transferred from his position as a delegate from Ireland to the staff of the Secretariat, he was so impressed at the greater importance of his new role that he was prompted to write:

What produced the sense of shock was the growing impression that neither the General Assembly nor the Security Council had the full materials necessary for an adequately informed discussion and adequately motivated decisions, on the UN operation in the Congo. The only people who had these materials were the people who saw the actual telegrams--the inner circle of the Secretariat. . . . As for the Congo Advisory Committee, "advising" the Secretary-General on the basis of the information with which the Secretary-General saw fit to supply it, it seemed, in the light of the telegrams, much less like an advisory body than like a group of innocent outsiders being taken for a guided tour. . . .

. . . the Secretariat--rather than the half-paralysed Security Council or the amorphous General Assembly--was the reality of the United Nations, the advancing edge of the sense of international community. If the Secretariat played its cards remarkably close to its chest, as it now seemed that it was in the habit of doing, it was justified in this, because it was tremendously important, for the hopes it represented, that it should win.

Much of this was implicit in my attitude of mind . . . rather than fully thought out. What I was actually most conscious of was the more primitive feeling of pleasure at now being, as I thought, "on the inside" of this major international operation, combined with a sense of deflation, on realizing how very much "on the outside" one had been as an ordinary delegate in the corridors of the Assembly and at the Advisory Committee.3

What kind of person does it take to be a desirable member of this "inner circle"? First of all, like Conor O'Brien, he must have sufficient loyalty to the United Nations that he is willing to place it well above any loyalty to his own native land. All members of the United Nations Secretariat must take the following oath upon employment:

I solemnly affirm to exercise in all loyalty, discretion and conscience the functions entrusted to me as a member of the international service of the United Nations, to discharge those functions and regulate my conduct with the interests of the United Nations only in view, and not to seek or accept instructions in respect to the performance of my duties from any government or other authority external to the organization.4

Many of the American employees in the Secretariat who gladly took this loyalty oath to the UN refused to answer when questioned by a committee of the Senate regarding their Communist activities. Oath or no oath, any Communist who may be employed by the United Nations will never be loyal to anything except Communism. They will be loyal to the UN only as long as the UN is serving the purposes of the Kremlin--not one minute longer. Of course everyone knows this, yet the non-Communists at the United Nations have learned that whenever this fact is brought up it enrages the Soviets. Consequently, they no longer discuss it lest it upset the cause of peace. This absurd ostrich complex has even gone so far that, while it is officially forbidden for the UN to hire anyone "connected with fascism" on the plausible basis that no one wants a potential Mussolini or Hitler to show up in the Secretariat, it is perfectly all right to hire persons connected with Communism. Apparently no one is worried about harboring a potential Stalin.

J. Edgar Hoover, director of the FBI, has disclosed that between 70 and 80 percent of the iron curtain diplomatic representatives in this country have "some type of espionage assignment."5 Since it is only logical to assume that these people are dedicated Communists and that they will be exerting their maximum influence to channel the efforts of the United Nations toward Communist objectives, we will not waste a lot of time belaboring the point. There are several factors, however, that need to be emphasized. The first is that these people are not just run-of-the-mill international servants. They are carefully screened and professionally trained in the art of espionage. Once inside the United States their mission is to gather secret material and to serve as a communications link between Moscow and American-based Communists.

Hardly a month goes by without our reading in the newspaper of another United Nations delegate being nabbed by the FBI for espionage. It happens so often that it is hardly newsworthy any longer. The frustrating part of it, however, and the second point to be emphasized, is that since these enemy agents are officially accredited to the United Nations, they can operate under complete diplomatic immunity. If the FBI catches them red-banded, all they have to do is flash their UN passes and they are free again. Our State Department usually dashes off a stiff note of protest to the Soviet delegation asking that the individual be sent home, but a few days later, the exposed spy is replaced by another highly trained espionage agent from behind the iron curtain and the whole operation continues without missing a stroke. As U.S. News and World Report summarized it:

Agents of Russia, Czechoslovakia and Poland, as employees of a world organization, face little or no surveillance of the type Americans face in Communist countries. They can talk to anyone. They can communicate with Moscow by secret radio code; they can travel back and forth between New York and their home capitals freely, carrying secret documents with immunity. They are even free from arrest for minor crimes. And, if one is caught red-handed with secret U.S. documents, as was Velentin Gubitchev in the Judith Coplon case, he can count on merely being sent home, his passage paid by the UN.6

This diplomatic immunity makes it possible for UN Communists on our soil to go much further than acts of espionage. In fact, there is no limit to the extent of their activities--even to the point of kidnapping, murder and terrorism. For instance, Arkady Sobolev, who was at the time chief of the UN Soviet delegation, sent members of his staff to forcibly repatriate nine Soviet sailors who had sought sanctuary in America. The UN delegates who were members of the Soviet secret police went into the homes of these seamen (in New York and New Jersey), beat them into submission, kidnapped them and sent them back to Russia. American law enforcement officials knew what was happening but were powerless to do anything about it because of the diplomatic immunity of the UN personnel.7 These same international servants later spirited away two-year-old Tanya Romanov, a little girl born in America--legally an American citizen--whose parents were Soviet refugees.8

In 1953 Dr. Marek Korowicz, a UN delegate from Communist Poland, took advantage of his presence in New York to escape to freedom in the United States. This is much riskier than it sounds, for, as the Chicago Tribune reported:

The possibility that Communist secret police may try to shoot down Dr. Marek Korowicz, escaped Polish alternate representative to the UN, who has asked asylum in the U.S., has posed another problem for New York police, it was learned today. Their apprehension was dramatized by the fact that the FBI is standing 24-hour guard over Dr. Korowicz, and the disclosure that at least 18 known agents of Russia or Red satellite nations carry guns in this area. These agents . . . go about claiming diplomatic immunity, and police say they do not have the authority to disarm them.9

But let us return to the main issue which is the degree of Communist control over the United Nations itself. While these agents are actively engaged in espionage against the United States, they are also busy within the structure of the UN doing their part to influence all that goes on there. They may be high-ranking administrative officials overseeing the work of hundreds of employees, or they may be merely innocuous statisticians, researchers, or translators. But regardless of their particular assignment, they are part of those unseen hands that can change a word here, interpret a report there, bury important statistics, delay progress on research projects, and in a hundred other ways paralyze the whole organization when it comes to a clear-cut issue involving real opposition to Communism. But, for the most part, these agents are not relegated to the lesser posts within the United Nations. They are smart enough to get themselves into the key spots where they can exert maximum influence. For instance, for many years a Mrs. Jugolova, a Russian Communist from the Soviet ministry of education, has been head of the secondary education department of UNESCO.10 Many will recall that as recently as July 1963 two UN employees fled the country after being exposed by the FBI as secret officers of the Soviet military intelligence. One of these, Dmitrievich Egorov, was a key personnel officer at the United Nations and was involved in the critical task of hiring and placing other employees in the Secretariat.11 Another Soviet official by the name of Permogorov was one of the chiefs of UN radio broacasts.12 Mr. Katz-Suchy, a Communist from Poland, was president of the Sixth Commission of jurists, one of the principal standing committees of the United Nations. (His only qualification for this post, by the way, in addition to the fact that he was a Communist, was just one year of study of law at the University of Krakow.)13

These are just samples picked at random to show that these people are not only present within the heart of the UN mechanism, but they are often placed in extremely important policy-making positions. One of the most important positions within the entire United Nations--if not the most important--is that of undersecretary-general for political and security council affairs. Most Americans have never even heard of this position, much less anything about the man who holds the job. The undersecretary-general for political and security council affairs has three main areas of responsibility. They are:

1. Control of all military and police functions of the United Nations peacekeeping forces.

2. Supervision of all disarmament moves on the part of member nations.

3. Control of all atomic energy ultimately entrusted to the United Nations for peaceful and "other" purposes.

In view of the fact that these three functions may soon constitute the ultimate power of life and death over every human being on the face of the earth, there would appear to be some minor justification for us to be more than passingly curious over who will wield this power. Since the United Nations was created in 1945 there have been eight men appointed to the position of undersecretary-general of political and security council affairs. They are:

1. Arkady Sobolev--USSR (Resigned April 1949)

2. Konstantin Zinchenko--USSR (Resigned May 1953)

3. Ilya Tchernychev--USSR (Finished above term to 1954)

4. Dragoslav Protich--Yugoslavia (Resigned July 1958)

5. Anatoly F. Dobrynin--USSR (Resigned February 1960)

6. Georgi Petrovich Arkadev--USSR (Resigned March 1963)

7. Eugeny Dmiterievich Kiselev--USSR (Died April l7, 1963)

8. Vladimir Pavlovich Suslov14--USSR (Appointed May 21, 1963)15

Some observers feel that eight Communists out of eight appointees constitute a trend of sorts. But whatever you call it, Trygve Lie, the first secretary-general of the United Nations, revealed that this pattern was no mere coincidence. In his book In the Cause of Peace Lie wrote:

Mr. Vyshinsky [of the USSR] did not delay his approach. He was the first to inform me of an understanding which the Big Five had reached in London on the appointment of a Soviet national as assistant secretary-general for political and security council affairs. . . .

Mr. Stettinius [U.S. secretary of state] confirmed to me that he had agreed with the Soviet delegation in the matter. . . .

The preservation of international peace and security was the organization's highest responsibility, and it was to entrusting the direction of the Secretariat department most concerned with this to a Soviet national that the Americans had agreed.16

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1. Foster, pp. 342-343.

2. O'Brien, p. 24.

3. Ibid., p. 50.

4. Lie, p. 53.

5. "Red Spies Swarm U.S. Says Hoover," Los Angeles Herald-Express (October 18, 1960).

6. Congressman Fred Busbey, Congressional Record (August 3, 1953).

7. Chicago Tribune (May 4, 1956), pp. 1, 10. Also, The Episode of the Russian Seamen, SISS report (May 12, 1956).

8. Soviet Political Agreements and Results, SISS publication (1959), p. VII.

9. "Fear Attempt by Red Police to Kill Envoy," Chicago Tribune (September 21, 1953), sec. 1, p. 2.

10. V. Orval Watts, Should We Strengthen the UN? (Colorado Springs, The Freedom School, 1960), p. 24. Also, Frank Denke, "The UN and the Catholic Conscience," the Wanderer (St. Paul, October 10, 1963), p. 7. Dr. Watts earned his Ph.D. in economics and history at Harvard. Formerly a college professor, he is now an economics consultant and lecturer.

11. UPI dispatch, Los Angeles Times (July 2, 1963), sec. 1, p. 1.

12. Syndicated column, Freedom Press (Santa Barbara, Calif., January 9, 1963), see. 1, p. 1.

13. Hearings before the House Committee on Un-American Activities (September 24, 1953), pp. 2593-2594.

14. According to the Hungarian refugees, in 1956 Suslov was head of the Soviet secret police. They say he is the one who was responsible for the betrayal of General Pal Maleter, the representative of the Hungarian Freedom Fighters who met with the Soviets under their promise of protection. When Maleter arrived for the talks he was arrested by Suslov and executed a few months later.

15. United Nations Yearbook, published annually in New York by Columbia University Press in cooperation with the United Nations. Also, Statesman's Yearbook, published annually in New York by St. Martin's Press. Also, Facts on File: World News Digest (119 West 57th Street., New York 19, N.Y., Facts on File, Inc.). These men are the individuals who held this office on a long-term appointment basis. Occasionally, other men have temporarily held the position during short periods to cover a brief leave of absence, vacation, etc. Researchers must be careful not to be led astray or confused by this fact.

16. Lie, pp. 45-46.
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