The Fearful Master - Chapter 9


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An open foe may prove a curse; but a pretended friend is worse.

Benjamin Franklin,
Poor Richard's Almanac


In 1950 the State Department issued a volume entitled Postwar Foreign Policy Preparation, 1939-45. It described in detail the policies and documents leading up to the creation of the United Nations and named the men who shaped these policies. This and similar official records reveal that the following men were key government figures in UN planning within the U.S. State Department and Treasury Department: Alger Hiss, Harry Dexter White, Virginius Frank Coe, Dean Acheson, Noel Field, Laurence Duggan, Henry Julian Wadleigh, John Carter Vincent, David Weintraub, Nathan Gregory Silvermaster, Harold Glasser, Victor Perlo, Irving Kaplan, Solomon Adler, Abraham George Silverman, William L. Ullman and William H. Taylor. With the single exception of Dean Acheson, all of these men have since been identified in sworn testimony as secret Communist agents!

It is truly fantastic, but here is the record:

Alger Hiss: In 1950 Hiss was convicted and sent to prison for perjury involving statements relating to his Communist activities. Since the second Hiss trial evidence has continued to be amassed through other congressional investigations that is even more incriminating than that used for his conviction. As it was, the FBI had solid evidence of Hiss's Communist activities as far back as 1939 and had even issued numerous security reports to the justice Department and executive branch dealing with this fact.1 In addition, a parade of former Communists testified that they personally had known and worked with Alger Hiss as a fellow member of the party.

It is worth noting that Alger Hiss was very influential with the leaders of the Institute of Pacific Relations, which a Senate committee found to be infiltrated at the top by Communists. Hiss was one of the trustees of the IPR and was very active in its affairs.2

Mr. J. Anthony Panuch, who had been assigned the task of supervising the security aspects of the transfer of large numbers of personnel from various war agencies to the State Department in the fall of 1945, testified that as a security officer he had access to conclusive information on Hiss's Communist activity; but when he tried to do something about it, it was he, not Hiss, who was dismissed.3

In 1944 Hiss became acting director of the Office of Special Political Affairs which had charge of all postwar planning, most of which directly involved the creation of the United Nations; and in March 1945, in spite of all the FBI reports and other adverse security information circulating among the top echelons of government, he was promoted to director of that office.

It is more than a little ironic that Alger Hiss was the man who traveled with FDR to Yalta as his State Department advisor. It was at the Yalta meeting that the decision was made to give the Soviets three votes in the General Assembly to one for the United States. Giving votes to the Russians for the Ukrainian SSR and Byelorussia SSR made as much sense as giving extra votes to the United States for Texas and California. At any rate, even if Roosevelt had been inclined to protest this absurd agreement, he was up against the demands of Joe Stalin and the advice of Alger Hiss.

The Dumbarton Oaks Conference was held in 1944 to determine the future form that the United Nations would take. It was an extremely important meeting since most of the really critical decisions were made there. This meeting was so hush-hush that the public and even the press were excluded from the proceedings. Alger Hiss was the executive secretary of this conference.

Hiss's role at the San Francisco conference, where the United Nations was finally taken off the drawing board and put on the assembly line, is better known to most Americans. He was the chief planner and executive of the entire affair. He organized the American delegation and was the acting secretary-general. Visitor passes bore his signature. According to the April 16, 1945, issue of Time magazine:

The Secretary-General for the San Francisco Conference was named at Yalta but announced only last week-- lanky, Harvard trained Alger Hiss, one of the State Department's brighter young men. Alger Hiss was one of the Harvard Law School students whose records earned them the favor of Professor (now justice) Felix Frankfurter and a year as secretary to the late justice Oliver Wendell Holmes. He was drafted from a New York law firm by the New Deal in 1933, joined the State Department in 1936, accompanied President Roosevelt to Yalta. -At San Francisco, he and his Secretariat of 300 (mostly Americans) will have the drudging, thankless clerk's job of copying, translating and publishing, running the thousands of paper-clip and pencil chores of an international meeting. But Alger Hiss will be an important figure there. As secretary-general, managing the agenda, he will have a lot to say behind the scenes about who gets the breaks.4

Hiss was not only the acting secretary-general at the San Francisco conference, but also served on the steering and executive committees which were charged with the responsibility of actually writing the new Charter.5 In such a position, he undoubted wielded a tremendous amount of influence on the drafting of the Charter itself. He did not do it single-handedly, however, as some critics of the United Nations have claimed. For instance, Andrei Gromyko was asked during a press conference in 1958 whether he considered it a violation of the Charter for a country to send its forces into the territory of another. He replied: "Believe me, I sit here as one who helped to draft the UN Charter, and I had a distinct part in drafting this part of the Charter with my own hands."6

At the conclusion of the conference Alger Hiss personally carried the freshly written document back to Washington by plane for Senate ratification. The Charter traveled in a black water-tight box with a parachute. The master planners were taking no chances.

Knowing that Alger Hiss was a Soviet agent, the FBI had prepared an extensive surveillance of his activities during the San Francisco conference. Shortly after Hiss learned of this through his contacts in the Justice Department, however, the FBI received orders from the top to cancel its plans.7

An entire book could be written on the single subject of Alger Hiss and his influence over the United Nations during its formative phase. But, as important as he was, he was only one man. Had Hiss never been born, or had he spent his entire life in a monastery, the UN would still be what it is today, for Hiss was not alone.

Harry Dexter White: White was the assistant secretary of the United States Treasury Department under Henry Morgenthau. As such, he had complete control over our foreign policy dealing with treasury matters. The following Treasury Department directive indicates the influence that White bad:

On and after this date [December 15, 1941], Mr. Harry D. White, assistant to the secretary, will assume full responsibility for all matters with which the Treasury Department has to deal having a bearing on foreign relations. Mr. White will act as liaison between the Treasury Department and the State Department, will serve in the capacity of advisor to the secretary on all treasury foreign affairs matters, and will assume responsibility for the management and operation of the stabilization fund without change in existing procedures. Mr. White will report directly to the secretary.8

Elizabeth Bentley testified that while she was a Communist supervising the liaison between various espionage rings in Washington, Harry Dexter White was a member of one of these groups. It was known as the Silvermaster cell. She also revealed that White, acting on instructions from Moscow, pushed hard for what was later known as the Morgenthau plan and which was designed to destroy Germany's industry after the war so Germany could never again pose a serious obstacle to the Soviet plans for future expansion in Europe.9

J. Edgar Hoover testified before a Senate investigating committee that "from November 8, 1945, until June 24, 1946, seven communications went to the White House bearing on espionage activities wherein Harry D. White's name was specifically mentioned."10 In spite of all this, White stayed on in his government post, as did Alger Hiss. White was even sent to the San Francisco conference to represent the Treasury Department. He served as chairman of the important committee that established the United Nations multi-billion-dollar International Monetary Fund. Only a few months after being thoroughly exposed as a secret agent, White was appointed to the post of executive secretary of this International Monetary Fund which he helped create with large injections of United States tax money. When he turned in his resignation to the Treasury Department to accept this new position, President Truman sent him the following letter:11

Dear Mr. White:

I accept with regret your resignation as assistant secretary of the Treasury. My regret is lessened, however, in the knowledge that you leave the treasury only to assume new duties for the government in the field on international economics as the U.S. executive director of the International Monetary Fund. In that position, you will be able to carry forward the work you so ably began at Bretton Woods and you will have increased opportunity for the exercise of your wide knowledge and expertness in a field that is of utmost importance to world peace and security. I am confident that in your new position you will add distinction to your already distinguished career with the Treasury.

Very sincerely yours,
(signed) Harry S. Truman

Virginius Frank Coe: Coe was another American who moved from a high position with the United States Government to accept a key post within the United Nations. He had been an assistant to Harry Dexter White in the Treasury Department and, as such, was the technical secretary at the Bretton Woods Conference. He, too, had been identified under oath by Elizabeth Bentley as a member of one of her Communist cells. When questioned about these activities, Coe found it necessary to invoke the Fifth Amendment to avoid incriminating himself. Consequently, Coe was appointed as the $20,000 a year secretary of the United Nations International Monetary Fund, a post which he held for many years. He is now working as an economic expert for the Red Chinese government.12

Dean Acheson: As mentioned earlier, Secretary of State Dean Acheson is the only one in this list of State Department and Treasury Department personnel active in UN planning who has not been identified as active with the Communist party. In this connection, however, it is interesting to note the following facts. Early in his political career, Acheson was praised by the Communist Daily Worker "as one of the most forward looking men in the State Department."13 In November of 1945 he was one of the principal speakers at a Madison Square Garden rally sponsored by the National Conference of Soviet-American Friendship. The other speakers were Corliss Lamont and Paul Robeson.14 While undersecretary of state, Acheson promoted a loan of ninety million dollars to the Communist-controlled government of Poland. The loan was negotiated by Donald Hiss, Alger Hiss's brother. Donald Hiss was a member of Acheson's law firm.15

When former Assistant Secretary of State Adolph Berle, Jr., testified before the House Committee on Un-American Activities, he described Dean Acheson as heading up a pro-Russian group in the State Department "with Mr. (Alger) Hiss as his principal assistant."16

In June of 1947, a Senate appropriations subcommittee addressed a confidential memorandum to George Marshall, the new secretary of state. This memorandum read, in part, as follows:

It becomes necessary, due to the gravity of the situation, to call your attention to a condition that developed and still flourishes in the State Department under the administration of Dean Acheson. It is evident that there is a deliberate, calculated program being carried out, not only to protect Communist personnel in high places, but to reduce security and intelligence protection to a nullity. On file in the department is a copy of a preliminary report of the FBI on Soviet espionage activities in the U.S. which involves a large number of State Department employees, some in high official positions. . . . Voluminous files are on hand in the Department proving the connection of the State Department employees and officials with the Soviet espionage ring.17

Marshall reacted to this information by doing exactly what Acheson had done--nothing.

Laurence Duggan: Duggan was head of the Latin American division of the State Department. Hede Massing, a former Soviet agent, identified Duggan as a member of a spy ring under her direction. While his case was being investigated, he mysteriously fell from a window of his New York office and was killed.

Noel Field: Field was a high official in the West European division of the State Department and was a close friend of Duggan. When Field was also identified by Hede Massing as a secret Communist, he disappeared behind the iron curtain.

Henry Julian Wadleigh: Wadleigh was in the trade agreements division of the State Department. During the Hiss trial he admitted that he had been working for a Soviet spy ring.

John Carter Vincent: As chief of the Chinese affairs division of the State Department, Vincent was a member of the American delegation at the San Francisco conference. He was also identified in sworn testimony as a member of the Communist party.

David Weintraub: Weintraub, who was in the Office of Foreign Relief and Rehabilitation Operations, became the key figure in 1952 of a Senate investigation of Communist infiltration into the American quota of United Nations employees. As the Senate committee stated in its report Interlocking Subversion in Government Departments: "David Weintraub occupied a unique position in setting up the structure of Communist penetration of Government agencies by individuals who have been identified by witnesses as underground agents of the Communist party."18

Nathan Gregory Silvermaster: As a high-ranking officer of the Treasury Department, Silvermaster was also head of one of the secret Communist cells under Elizabeth Bentley's direction.

Harold Glasser: Glasser also came from the Treasury Department where he succeeded Virginius Frank Coe as director of the division of monetary research. Glasser was the Treasury spokesman on the affairs of United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA, the UN's first giveaway program of American money) and had a predominant voice in determining which countries should receive aid and which should not. Elizabeth Bentley and Whittaker Chambers both revealed that Glasser was known to them as a Communist agent.

Victor Perlo: Perlo was closely associated with Hiss in the Ware cell in the early days of the New Deal. He later became the head of his own Communist cell under the direction of Elizabeth Bentley.

Irving Kaplan: Kaplan was appointed to the Treasury Department by Virginius Frank Coe. Later, he became a high level official in the UN office of the assistant secretary-general for economic affairs. When called to the witness stand to testify during the Senate investigation of the Institute of Pacific Relations, Kaplan sought refuge behind the Fifth Amendment 244 times. David Weintraub helped him get his UN job.

William L. Ullman: A captain in the Air Force at the time, Ullman testified that he had been borrowed by Harry Dexter White and taken as White's assistant to both the Bretton Woods and San Francisco conferences. When asked whether or not he had ever been a Communist or a spy, Ullman claimed the Fifth Amendment to avoid self-incrimination.

Lauchlin Currie: Currie was not included among the list of names at the beginning of this chapter because he was in neither the State nor the Treasury departments. Nevertheless, as a personal assistant and advisor to President Roosevelt he played a major role in helping to formulate United States policy leading to the creation of the United Nations. He was thoroughly exposed as a fellow traveler by both Elizabeth Bentley and Whittaker Chambers.

The whole ugly story of these men and their actions can be found in the Senate report on the investigations of the IPR, the transcript of the Senate hearings on Activities of United States Citizens Employed by the United Nations, and the report entitled Interlocking Subversion in Government Departments.19 It adds up to a clear pattern of deliberate Communist penetration into key positions within our own government and the use of these positions to generate a Communist-inspired United States foreign policy. The major feature of this policy has centered around getting the United States to gradually give up its independence to the authority and control of the United Nations, which was created by the Communists for just this purpose. As security officer J. Anthony Panuch summarized it:

It was World War II which gave the Soviet plan its impetus. During this period, a massive infiltration of sensitive agencies of the government took place. Pro-Communist and personnel of subversive and revolutionary tendencies were able to establish themselves in strategic slots . . . to shift the center of gravity in the process of U.S. foreign policy from a national to an international orientation via the supra-national UN organization. Furthermore, if working control of the U.S. foreign policy were focalized in the UN organization, the role of Congress in our foreign affairs could be bypassed.20

Postwar foreign policy planning and the San Francisco conference of 1945 seem so far in the past that it is difficult for many to find a correlation between then and now. Yet events in Katanga were shaped as much by these now forgotten hands as they were by the O'Brien's and the Hammarskjold's of more recent memory. Needless to say, however, 1945 was just the beginning. When it came time to begin the actual hiring of the UN administrative staff, secret American Communists were among the first in line.

Trygve Lie, the United Nations' first secretary-general, said that in the first year members of the Secretariat had to be recruited very rapidly; about three thousand were hired between March and December of 1946 and hundreds more were hired in 1947. Lie was well aware of the possibility of their being secret Communists among the American job applicants, but this caused him little concern. As he put it: "Nothing in the Charter or in the staff regulations bars a Communist from being a member of the UN Secretariat; nor could there be in an organization that embraces both Communist and non-Communist members."21

This is, of course, one of the reasons why the United Nations can never work to promote freedom, justice or anything else the Communists wish to suppress. But that is another subject and one with which we shall deal at some length further along. For now, the important point is that the immediate demand for thousands of people to fill out the United Nations' original staff provided a golden opportunity for the agents of Communism to get in on the ground floor and to swarm into the key positions. The record shows that this is precisely what they did.

Since the new world-government organization needed men and women with skills and experience similar to those acquired in the service of national government agencies, it was only natural that most of the original applicants were people who had been working for the United States Government in one capacity or another. It was natural, too, that these people should have the approval or recommendation of their former employer. There are two kinds of recommendations, however: official and unofficial. An official recommendation would naturally be entered into the record and might contain, among other things, a security check. An unofficial recommendation would have no such drawbacks; a simple telephone call from an influential person in the State Department is all that would be required.

It is not surprising that the State Department elected to follow what it called the "no recommendation rule." The reason offered for this policy was that it would avoid making the U.S. look as if it overly influenced the selection of UN personnel.22 According to the testimony of Carlisle Humelsine, deputy undersecretary of state, the "no recommendation rule" was formulated in the department that was under the direction of Alger Hiss, and Hiss bad much to do with it.23

Apologists for the United Nations have often attempted to deny or minimize Hiss's part in influencing the selection of employees for the initial United Nations staff. State Department officials have insisted that most of these people were merely on loan from various branches of the U.S. Government. But the record is unmistakably clear and speaks for itself. As the 1954 report of the SISS revealed, Alger Hiss was "unofficially" influential in the employment of 494 persons by the United Nations on its initial staff.24

During the Korean War, a New York grand jury accidentally stumbled across evidence of Communist penetration into the American staff of the United Nations. One piece of evidence led to another and so alarmed the grand jury that it proceeded to conduct a full-scale inquiry into the matter. The publicity attracted a great deal of attention and prompted the Senate Committee on the Judiciary to initiate a parallel investigation of its own. Shortly after these investigations began, some two hundred Americans employed by the UN resigned, apparently to avoid testifying.25 Those that did testify, however, provided more than ample evidence for the grand jury to issue the following presentment:

This jury must, as a duty to the people of the United States, advise the court that startling evidence has disclosed infiltration into the UN of an overwhelmingly large group of disloyal U.S. citizens, many of whom are closely associated with the international Communist movement. This group numbers scores of individuals, most of whom have long records of federal employment,, and at the same time have been connected with persons and organizations subversive to this country. Their positions at the time we subpoenaed them were ones of trust and responsibility in the UN Secretariat and in its specialized agencies.26

The Senate investigations produced exactly the same conclusions. Senator Eastland, chairman of the committee, made the following statement at the conclusion of the hearings:

I am appalled at the extensive evidence indicating that there is today in the UN among the American employees there, the greatest concentration of Communists that this Committee has ever encountered. Those American officials who have been called represent a substantial percentage of the people who are representing us in the UN. . . . These people occupy high positions. They have very high salaries and almost all of these people have, in the past, been employees in the U.S. government in high and sensitive positions. I believe that the evidence shows that the security officers of our government knew, or at least had reason to know, that these people have been Communists for many years. In fact, some of these people have been the subject of charges before Congress before and during their employment with the UN. It is more than strange that such a condition existed in the government of the U.S., and it is certainly more than strange that these people should be transferred to the UN and charged to the American quota.27 [Italics added.]

It takes the better part of a day to read through the transcript of the hearings that led up to that conclusion, but for those who have the time, it is well worth the effort. There is no better way to get an accurate perspective on how the Communists have secretly captured complete working control of the American staff positions within the United Nations. The following are just a few examples taken at random to give an idea of the scope of this control.

Frank Carter Bancroft: Bancroft was editor of the documents control division. A minister of the Episcopal church on the inactive list, he has a long, record of joining Communist fronts and sought refuge behind the Fifth Amendment when asked if he was a Communist.

Ruth Crawford: A publications officer of the United Nations International Children's Economic Fund, Ruth Crawford admitted that she had been at one time a member of the Communist party and was still in sympathy with it.

Abraham H. Feller: Feller was general counsel for the United Nations. When called before the New York grand jury which was investigating United States Communists in the United Nations, he avoided testifying by jumping to his death from a window of his apartment. He had been closely associated with Alger Hiss and other Soviet agents. Trygve Lie said that "Feller was a victim of the witch bunt, of the awful pressure of the hysterical assault upon the United Nations that reactionaries were promoting and using for their own ends."28 Eleven months later, Lie dedicated the Abraham Feller memorial room in the UN library "in memory of a loyal American."

Joel Gordon: As chief of the trade analysis division, Cordon's salary was $13,000. He had been with UNRAA. He invoked the Fifth Amendment to avoid self-incrimination when asked if he was a member of the Communist party.

Irving P. Schiller: Schiller was scheduled to be the next registrar of the United Nations' European office in Geneva. When asked by an investigating committee if be was presently (at the time of questioning) a member of the Communist party, he loudly proclaimed, "No!" But when the investigator asked him if he bad been a member of the Communist party on the preceding day, Schiller invoked the Fifth Amendment.

Alexander H. Svenchanski: A naturalized American citizen born in Russia, Svenchanski's job at the United Nations was information officer. He broadcast news and other items to the Soviet Union. When asked if he was a Communist, he invoked the Fifth Amendment to avoid incriminating himself.

Alfred J. Van Tassel: As chief of the economics section, special projects division of the technical assistance administration, Van Tassel's salary was $12,840. He organized and coordinated UN training seminars and demonstration centers around the world. He invoked the Fifth Amendment to avoid self-incrimination when asked about membership in the Communist party.

Eugene Wallach: Wallach was simultaneously a steno-type reporter at the UN and part of the New York security organization of the Communist party.

David Zablodowsky: Zablodowsky was in charge of the publishing division of the United Nations with a salary of $14,000. He admitted that he had transmitted secret messages between Whittaker Chambers and J. Peters knowing that they were both Communists. At one time he was president of a union which was later revealed to be Communist dominated. He also had been editor of the publication put out by the League Against War and Fascism, a Communist united front organization.

Herman Zap: Zap was a training officer in the technical assistance administration and he coordinated government training programs all around the world. His specialty was economic development and social welfare. He also coordinated the exchange of persons between the United States and other countries. He invoked the Fifth Amendment.

Shortly after the results of these hearings were made known, Trygve Lie attempted to calm the waters of rising public concern by dismissing eleven of the Fifth Amendment pleaders. The "Red eleven," as they were called in the newspapers, appealed the dismissal to the UN administrative tribunal which promptly declared that they must be either reinstated or be awarded substantial cash indemnities. As a result, seven of them were put back into their jobs with full back pay, and the others each received cash awards up to $40,000. (American taxpayers paid the lion's share, needless to say.) The UN administrative tribunal which reinstated and indemnified these security risks to America was composed completely of non-Americans. Seven nations were represented but at the time the U.S. was not even entitled to a voice in the decision.

Shortly afterward, Senator Pat McCarran introduced legislation requiring that all American citizens seeking employment at the United Nations receive a security clearance from the attorney general's office. This was certainly a reasonable policy and one which most Americans assumed had been in operation all along. Nevertheless, Trygve Lie was alarmed at the suggestion and declared: "To my dismay, the only precedent I could discover for such a law was the edict promulgated by fascist Italy in 1927. . . ."29 Washington was equally alarmed. Just two days after the McCarran bill was introduced, President Truman signed an executive order stipulating that the United States would not undertake to instruct the Secretary-General as to American citizens he may not employ, nor would it penalize any citizens that he might employ contrary to the attorney general's judgment.30 In other words, Hiss's "no recommendation rule" was to remain unchanged.

When the Eisenhower administration took over, there was a great deal of loud talk and breast-beating about cleaning out the Communists, not only from Washington, but from the United States staff at the United Nations as well. It was a fine campaign promise but turned out to be just as sincere as the proverbial two chickens in every pot. Professing to be anti-Communist is always good for votes. Since many Americans are perfectly willing to accept a sincere face, a warm smile, and a little political oratory as a substitute for action, the politicians know that they will seldom be called upon by their constituents to produce what they have promised. When he was seeking our votes Eisenhower promised to clear out the subversives. But he never did. The worst of the security risks stayed right where they were, or were promoted. Senator Joseph McCarthy, who was actually trying to do what candidate Eisenhower promised he was going to do, received the full wrath of the new administration. Eisenhower even went so far as to issue an executive order which became the basis for what was later called the gag rule. This injected so much red tape into the proceedings of congressional committees investigating Communist penetration into our government that it soon became quite impossible to obtain meaningful testimony. Consequently, since 1954 there have been few attempts to investigate Communist penetration of the U.S. Government. Apparently we are to assume that after Alger Hiss, Lauchlin Currie, Harry Dexter White, etc., were exposed, the Communists suddenly lost interest in trying to infiltrate the United States Government!

At any rate, part of this great pretense centered around cleaning up the mess at the United Nations. Eisenhower set up a widely publicized international organizations employees loyalty board to hold hearings and review FBI reports on all United States employees at the United Nations. As the first step, all Americans at the United Nations were instructed to fill out loyalty questionnaires. The public once again relaxed with satisfaction that at last something was being done. The whole thing, of course, was a fraud. The net catch of the entire operation was one woman clerk by the name of Eda Glaser. She was employed in the Security Council reference library where she clipped articles out of newspapers.31

Eisenhower's loyalty board gave clearance to people with blatant backgrounds of Communist activities and sympathies. For example, the board cleared Henry S. Block, director of the UN statistical division. Block's record was so bad that even the United States State Department had described him as a person "believed to be Communist or under Communist discipline."32

The most revealing clearance of all, however, was that of Ralph Bunche.

Ralph J. Bunche: As undersecretary-general of the United Nations and one of the three most influential men in that organization, Ralph Bunche may well be the best-known Negro in the entire world. Consequently, many people shy away from discussing his pro-Communist record for fear they will be branded as anti-Negro or racist. But the record speaks for itself.

Bunche was on the editorial board of the openly Communist magazine Science and Society for over four years. Even after the Communists themselves officially stated that Science and Society had as its function "to help Marx-ward moving students and intellectuals to come closer to Marxism-Leninism; to bring Communist thought to academic circles," Bunche continued to -write for the magazine.33

In 1936 Bunche authored a pamphlet entitled A World View of Race which presented the Communist propaganda line so well that the October 1937 issue of the Communist declared: "A fresh breeze is blowing through the classrooms of American colleges, carrying with it elements of Marxist and progressive thought. One of the -welcome fruits of the renaissance is a world-embracing study of race attitudes by Dr. Bunche, professor of political science at Howard University."

In his pamphlet, Bunche wrote: "And so class will some day supplant race in world affairs. Race war will then be merely a side-show to the gigantic class war which will be waged in the big tent we call the world."34

In 1943 Bunche went to the State Department where he became associate chief of the division of dependent area affairs under Alger Hiss. He became, with Hiss, one of the leaders of the IPR which, according to a congressional investigating committee, was "considered by the American Communist party and by Soviet officials as an instrument of Communist policy, propaganda and military intelligence."35

On August 19, 1948, after Hiss had been exposed as a Communist agent, Bunche sent him a letter in which he stated: "I want you to know that I am in your corner."36

Bunche tried to line up employment in the State Department for a Jack S. Harris. But Harris' pro-Communist background was so blatant that even the State Department had to turn him down. Bunche finally got Harris a job at the United Nations. Harris was one of those to whom the UN administrative tribunal awarded forty thousand dollars indemnity after dismissal. One of the factors cited by the tribunal as justification for this award was "the fact that he joined the UN at the special request of Mr. Ralph Bunche."37

In spite of all this Dwight D. Eisenhower, while president of Columbia University, praised Ralph Bunche as "the greatest statesman this country has produced."38 The Eisenhower appointed loyalty review board, likewise, found no reason to question the loyalty of Ralph Bunche. He was routinely cleared along with a host of others with similar backgrounds.

On May 31, 1954, just three days after Bunche received his security clearance, the Communist Daily Worker ran an article which boasted:

The UN was getting ready to appoint Dr. Ralph J. Bunche to a new high post when certain racist "anti-Communist" forces moved to stop this. . . . And so Dr. Bunche again had to solemnly prove his "loyalty"-- meaning that be had to prove be is innocent of the "crime" of Marxism and is a reliable supporter of the "anti-Communist" policy. The plans of the "anti-Communists" who could not stomach the idea of a Negro in a top UN post couldn't be carried through. The same enormous anti-racist pressure which, in the U.S.A. and throughout the world, compelled the Supreme Court to declare segregated schools and housing un-Constitutional, also blocked this scheme. But what was revealed again was the un-American machinery of the "anti-Communist" frame-up mill. Bunche, thanks to the new anti-racist upsurge, escaped.39

Philip Jessup: Philip Jessup is the man who represents the United States as one of the eleven justices on the United Nations World Court. His past is studded with affiliations with groups officially designated as Communist fronts. One of these, the Institute of Pacific Relations, has already been discussed. However, since Jessup was probably the most prominent and influential of all the leaders of this organization, it warrants recalling that the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee found that:

The IPR has been considered by the American Communists and by Soviet officials as an instrument of Communist policy, propaganda and military intelligence. . . . A small core of officials and staff members carried the main burden of IPR activities and directed its administration and policies. Members of the small core of officials and staff members who controlled the IPR were either Communists or pro-Communists.

Jessup was chairman of the IPR American council from 1939 to 1940 and chairman of its Pacific council from 1939 to 1942. Both councils were high-level policy-making bodies.40

Jessup, both in and out of the IPR, was closely associated with Alger Hiss, Harry Dexter White, Frederick Vanderbilt Field and Lauchlin Currie. And, like Ralph Bunche, he came to the defense of Hiss as a character witness at Hiss's trial.

When Frank Coe, secretary of the United Nations International Monetary Fund, testified before the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee in 1952, be inadvertently put Jessup in rather strange company. After readily answering questions about his associations with sundry individuals who had never been implicated in the Communist conspiracy, he suddenly found it necessary to invoke the Fifth Amendment when asked if he knew Philip Jessup.

Jessup served as assistant secretary-general of the UNRRA conference in 1943 and the Bretton Woods Conference in 1944. He was a member of the American delegation to the San Francisco conference in 1945. He was also the United States representative on the fifteen-man United Nations committee of jurists that had drafted the World Court statute. Continuing as a technical expert and advisor to various important UN commissions, Jessup prepared the State Department's infamous "White Paper" on China. Written at the very time when the Communists were overrunning the mainland of China, this report lavishly praised the Reds and condemned the anti-Communist Nationalist forces. Jessup later became one of the early advocates for the admission of Red China to the United Nations.

President Truman was so impressed by this record that he appointed Jessup as United States delegate to the United Nations in 1951. When the appointment came before the Senate, however, it was not approved because of Jessup's pro-Communist record. At the United Nations, Soviet delegate Vyshinsky reacted by praising Jessup during a meeting of the General Assembly’s political committee. Vyshinsky said he bad "learned with dismay" the Senate's decision."41 Equally dismayed, of course, was President Truman who proceeded to circumvent the Senate action by assigning Jessup to the United Nations on an "interim appointment."42

Shortly after the Eisenhower administration came in on the promise of cleaning the United States security risks out of the United Nations, the State Department approved the appointment of Philip Jessup as our candidate for the UN World Court--an infinitely more important position than the one denied him by the Senate. This time, however, neither Congress nor the Senate had any voice in the selection.

Even though each country is allowed to nominate two of its own nationals and two from other countries, the United States elected to nominate three foreigners with Philip Jessup as the only American--making it very clear to all that he was the man!

In the final voting, Jessup was elected by an overwhelming majority. With both the United States and the USSR voting for him, how could he miss?

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1. Interlocking Subversion in Government Departments, SISS report (July 30, 1953), pp. 8-10.

2. Ibid.

3. Ibid.

4. Time (April 16, 1945), international section.

5. Insignia, conference issue (1801 Broadway, San Diego, Calif., 1945), vol. 6, no. 1, P. 67.

6. "Russia Keeps Up Pressure on Withdrawal," London Daily Telegraph (August 23, 1958). As quoted by Mark Ewell, Manacles for Mankind (London, Britons Publishing Company, 1960), p. 50.

7. Statement by Senator Edwin Mechem, a former FBI agent assigned to cover Alger Hiss and other Russian spies, Chicago Tribune (May 26, 1963), sec. 1, p. 4.

8. SISS report (July 30, 1953), p. 29.

9. Hearings before the Senate subcommittee investigating the Institute of Pacific Relations, p. 403.

10. SISS hearings (November 17, 1953).

11. Interlocking Subversion in Government Departments, SISS report (July 30, 1953), p. 31.

12. Senator Thomas Dodd, Congressional Record (March 22, 1962).

13. Daily Worker (June 7, 1945). As quoted by Felix Wittmer, "Freedom's Case Against Dean Acheson," American Mercury (New York, April 1952).

14. Felix Wittmer, "Freedom's Case Against Dean Acheson," American Mercury (New York, April 1952).

15. Victor Lasky, "The Case Against Dean Acheson." Entered in the Congressional Record (December 6, 1950).

16. Testimony before House Committee on Un-American Activities (August 30, 1948).

17. Victor Lasky, "The Case Against Dean Acheson." Entered in the Congressional Record (December 6, 1950).

18. Interlocking Subversion in Government Departments, SISS report (July 30, 1953), pp. 10-12.

19. Two of these documents are now out of print, but can be located still in many large metropolitan public libraries.

20. Interlocking Subversion in Government Departments, SISS hearings, pt. 8, pp. 904-905.

21. Lie, p. 388.

22. Chesly Manly, The UN Record (Chicago, Henry Regnery Company, 1955), p. 110. After serving for two years on the staff of the Milwaukee Journal, Chesly Manly went to work for the Chicago Tribune in 1929. In the intervening years he has become one of the country's top news reporters. During his varied career he has covered the Al Capone trials in the prohibition era as well as major political events in Washington. Since 1946 he has reported the proceedings at the UN and other international conferences for the Chicago Tribune.

23. Activities of U.S. Citizens Employed by the UN, SISS hearings (December 17, 1952), p. 332.

24. Activities of U.S. Citizens Employed by the UN, second report of the SISS (March 22, 1954), p. 12.

25. SISS hearings (September 24, 1953), pt. 3, p. 503. Also, "Is the United Nations Anti-U.S.?" U.S. News and World Report (December 12, 1952), pp. 32-34.

26. Activities of U.S. Citizens Employed by the UN, hearings before the Senate Committee on the Judiciary (1952), pp. 407-408.

27. Ibid., pp. 181-182.

28. Lie, p. 399.

29. Ibid., p. 401.

30. Ibid., p. 402.

31. Manly, pp. 137-138.

32. Ibid., p 138. Also, SISS hearings (December 17, 1952), p. 385.

33. Congressman James B. Utt, Congressional Record (January 15, 1962).

34. Ibid. (April 11, 1962).

35. Hearings before the Senate subcommittee investigating the Institute of Pacific Relations, p. 223.

36. As quoted by Manly, p. 143.

37. Ibid., p. 141.

38. Ibid., p. 144.

39. "Dr. Bunche's Case," Daily Worker (May 31, 1954), p. 5.

40. Hearings before the Senate subcommittee investigating the Institute of Pacific Relations. Also, Congressman James B. Utt, Congressional Record (January 15, 1962).

41. Manley, pp. 157-158.

42. "Jessup Nomination Stirs Controversy," Los Angeles Examiner (November 8, 1960).
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