WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS, 1796:
Friends and Fellow Citizens: The period for a new election of a citizen, to
administer the executive government of the United States, being not far distant,
and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employed in
designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it
appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression
of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have
formed to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a
choice is to be made.
... I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal,
no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of
duty or propriety; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my
services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not
disapprove my determination to retire.
The impressions, with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were
explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only
say, that I have, with good intentions, contributed toward the organization and
administration of the Government, the best exertions of which a very fallible
judgement was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my
qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of
others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the
increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of
retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any
circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I
have the consolation to believe, that while choice and prudence invite me to
quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.
. . .
Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, which
cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that
solicitude urge me on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn
contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments; which
are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which
appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These
will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them
the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no
personal motive as his counsel . . .
Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no
recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. The
unity of government which constitutes you on e people is also now dear to you.
It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real
independence, the support of your tranquility at home; your peace abroad; of
your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize.
But as it is easy to foresee, that from different causes and from different
quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your
minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political
fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be
most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed,
it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of
your national Union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should
cherish a cordial, habitual and immoveable attachment to it; accustoming
yourselves to think and speak of it as the palladium of your political
safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety;
discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event
be abandoned, and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt
to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred
ties which now link together the various parts. For this you have every
inducement of sympathy and interest.
Citizens by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to
concentrate your affections. The name of 'American', which belongs to you, in
your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more
than any appelation derived from local discriminations. With
slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits and
political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed
together. The independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint
councils, and joint efforts; of common dangers, sufferings and successes. But
these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your
sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to
your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding
motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole.
The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the
equal laws of a common Government, finds in the production of the latter, great
additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious
materials of manufacturing industry. The South in the same intercourse,
benefitting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its
commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North,
it finds its particular navigation envigorated; and while it contributes, in
different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national
navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which
itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West,
already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications, by
land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the commodities
which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home.
The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and
comfort, and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity
owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the
weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the
Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any
other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether
derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural
connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.
While then every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular
interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass
of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater
security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by
foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union
an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently
afflict neighboring countries, not tied together by the same government; which
their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite
foreign alliances, attachments and intrigues would stimulate and imbitter.
Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military
establishments which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty
and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. In
this sense it is that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your
liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear you to the preservation of
the other.
. . .
Is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere?
Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were
criminal. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and
obvious motives to union affecting all parts of our country, while experience
shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to
distrust the patriotism of those who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its
bands. In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it occurs as a
matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for
characterizing parties by geographical discriminations: Northern and Southern;
Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that
there is a real difference of local interests and views. One
of the expedients of party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is
to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield
yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart burnings which spring from
these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who
ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. . . .
To the efficacy and permanency of your union, a Government for the
whole is indispensable. No alliances however strict between the parts can be an
adequate substitute. They must inevitably experience the infractions and
interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of
this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption
of a Constitution of Government, better calculated than your former for an
intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns.
This Government, the offspring of your own choice uninfluenced and unawed,
adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its
principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and
containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to
your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its
laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental
maxims of true liberty.
The basis of our political systems is the right of
the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government.
But the constitution which at any time exists till changed by an explicit
and authentic act of the whole people is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very
idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government
presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government. . .
.
Toward the preservation of your government and the permanency of your
present happy state, it is requisite not only that you steadily discountenance
irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist
with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the
pretexts.
One method of assault may be to effect in the forms
of the Constitution alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and
thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown.
In all the changes to which you may be invited remember that time and habit
are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other
human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the
real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in
changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion exposes to perpetual
change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember
especially that for the efficient management of your common interests in a
country so extensive as ours a government of as much vigor as is consistent with
the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in
such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest
guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name where the government is too
feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the
society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the
secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.
I have already intimated to you the danger of parties
in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical
discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you
in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party
generally. This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature,
having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under
different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or
repressed; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness
and is truly their worst enemy. . . .
It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble
the public administration. It agitates the community with ill founded jealousies
and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments
occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and
corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the
channels of party passion. Thus the policy and the will of one country are
subjected to the policy and will of another. There is an opinion that parties in
free countries are useful checks upon the administration of government, and
serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is
probably true; and in governments of a monarchial cast patriotism may look with
indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the
popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be
encouraged. From their natural tendency it is certain there will always be
enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose; and there being constant
danger of excess, the effort ought to be by force of public opinion to mitigate
and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to
prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.
It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country
should inspire caution in those intrusted with its administration to confine
themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the
exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of
encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and
thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. . . .
If in the opinion of the people the distribution or modification of the
constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an
amendment in the way which the Constitution designates.
But let there be no change by usurpation; for though
this in one instance may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon
by which free governments are destroyed.
The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial
or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield.
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to
political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain
would that man claim the tribute of patriotism who should labor to subvert these
great pillars of human happiness - these firmest props of the duties of men and
citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and
to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and
public felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where is the security for property, for
reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths
which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice?
And let us with caution indulge the supposition
that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to
the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and
experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in
exclusion of religious principle.
It is substantially true that virtue or morality is
a necessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with
more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is
a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake
the foundation of the fabric?
Promote, then, as an object of primary importance,
institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the
structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that
public opinion should be enlightened.
As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit.
One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding
occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely
disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater
disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only
by shunning occasions of expense, but by exertions in time of peace to discharge
the debts which unavoidable wars have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon
posterity the burthen which we ourselves ought to bear. . . .
Observe good faith and justice toward all
nations. Cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this
conduct. And can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it?
It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period a great
nation to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people
always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that in the
course of time and things the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any
temporary advantage which might be lost by a steady adherence to it?
Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a
nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every
sentiment which enobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its
vices? In the execution of such a plan nothing is more essential than that
permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations and passionate
attachments for others should be excluded, and that in place of them just and
amicable feelings toward all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges
toward another an habitual hatred or an habitual fondness is in some degree a
slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is
sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one
nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to
lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable when
accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur.
So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a
variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of
an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and
infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a
participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without adequate inducement
or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of
privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the
concessions by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and
by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate in the parties
from whom equal privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted,
or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation) facility to
betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country without odium, sometimes
even with popularity, gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of
obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for
public good the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or
infatuation. . . .
Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe
me, fellow citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake,
since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most
baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be
impartial, else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided,
instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and
excessive dislike of another cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on
one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other.
Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become
suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and
confidence of the people to surrender their interests. The great rule of conduct
for us in regard to foreign nations is, in extending our commercial relations to
have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have
already formed engagements let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here
let us stop.
Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a very remote
relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of
which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be
unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary
vicissitudes of her politics or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her
friendships or enmities.
Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a
different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the
period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance;
when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any
time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when beligerent nations, under
the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the
giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided
by justice, shall counsel.
Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to
stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any
part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European
ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice? It is our true policy to steer
clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world, so far, I
mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable
of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less
applicable to public than to private affairs that honesty is always the best
policy. I repeat, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine
sense. But in my opinion it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.
Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on
a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary
alliances for extraordinary emergencies. Harmony, liberal intercourse with
all nations are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our
commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand, neither seeking nor
granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of
things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but
forcing nothing; establishing with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a
stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the
Government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that
present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary and liable
to be from time to time abandoned or varied as experience and circumstances
shall dictate; constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look
for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its
independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such
acceptance it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for
nominal favors, and yet being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more.
There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from
nation to nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just
pride ought to discard. . . .
Though in reviewing the incidents of my Administration I am unconscious of
intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it
probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I
fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may
tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to
view them with indulgence, and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated
to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be
consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. Relying
on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love
toward it which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of
himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing
expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize without alloy the
sweet enjoyment of partaking in the midst of my fellow-citizens the benign
influence of good laws under a free government - the ever-favorite object of my
heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors and
dangers.
George Washington.
Prepared by Gerald Murphy (The Cleveland Free-Net - aa300)
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